The present study aims to evaluate correlations of private property from two of Murdock's datasets, one of 147 societies (1981) and the other of 312 societies (1967). Altogether the author tested 146 variables coded by Murdock against variables regarding the ownership of land and of movables drawn from Murdock (1967), Simmons (1937), and Swanson (1960). In total, there were 51 statistically significant correlations between private property ownership and other variables. Additionally, the author summarizes the results from this article and the two that preceded it stating that throughout all of the correlations he ran, the practice of agriculture, the use of cereal grains, and the presence of castes and classes were the only variables that predicted private property in all of the datasets that were utilized.

The present study aims to assess the reliability of Simmons' (1937) database of 109 variables coded for 71 societies. Simmons' data was evaluated against matching societies and variables from Murdock's (1967) Ethnographic Atlas. The ultimate purpose of Rudmin's analysis is to identify the features of societies that are correlated with the private ownership of property. To do so, Simmons' reliable variables are tested against four measures of property ownership, two from Simmons and two from Murdock. Rudmin discusses results and speculates why certain clusters of societal variables correlate with private property ownership.

This article analyzes the predictors of private property ownership with an aim to replicate existing correlations using data from the dissertation of Zelman (1974).

In this article, the author seeks to correlate interpersonal values with attitudes toward private property. After giving a brief intellectual history on the philosophy of private property, the author draws data from the Multinational Student Survey (MSS) in order to discern attitudes towards private property and preferences for one of six psychological constructs (Support, Conformity, Recognition, Independence, Benevolence, Leadership) which were outlined in the Survey of Interpersonal Values which was itself incorporated in the aforementioned MSS. These measures were then edited in order to be correlated and the reliability of each was verified. The strongest correlations that resulted were for dominance and nonconformity. The author concludes without a theory of how to reckon with these seemingly paradoxical results.

This article examines variation in childrens' socialization anxiety across societies of different subsistence types.

This comment suggests methodological flaws in Gaulin and Schlegel’s (1980) article on male parental certainty and investment practices. The authors take issue with multiple coding decisions and suggest that the findings from the 1980 study ought to be rejected; data does not support a positive association between male parental certainty and investment practices.

In this study, the authors examine pathways to social inequality, specifically social class hierarchy, in 408 non-industrial societies. In a path model, they find social class hierarchy to be directly associated with increased population size, intensive agriculture and large animal husbandry, real property inheritance (unigeniture) and hereditary political succession, with an overall R-squared of 0.45. They conclude that a complex web of effects consisting of environmental variables, mediated by resource intensification, wealth transmission variables, and population size all shape social inequality.

The article discusses the role of land ownership in natural resource management and social-ecological resilience, and explores the factors that determine ownership norms in human societies. The study tests long-standing theories from ecology, economics, and anthropology regarding the potential drivers of land ownership, including resource defensibility, subsistence strategies, population pressure, political complexity, and cultural transmission mechanisms. Using cultural and environmental data from 102 societies, the study found an increased probability of land ownership in mountainous environments and societies with higher population densities. The study also found support for the idea that neighboring societies might influence land ownership. However, there was less support for variables associated with subsistence strategies and political complexity.

In this article, the author departs from previous research on common vs. private property ownership predictors to understand why ocean property rights often play out differently than land. As opposed to the dominant hypothesis that common property regimes will change to private property when resources are scarce and population increases, the author proposes economic defendability (the relationship between the value of the property and the cost to defend it) as a better predictor of property regime type.

This study asks the following research questions: What are the dynamics of land ownership norms over time? Do these changes follow predetermined trajectories? The authors utilize biogeographical and evolutionary analyses to explore temporal and spatial patterns in land ownership norms within a sample of 73 Bantu societies. For the first component of the research, they test three prominent hypotheses regarding evolutionary trajectories: rectilinear, unilinear, and shift without restriction. For the second component, they use a multi-model inference approach to evaluate three hypotheses regarding the possible spatial patterns of land ownership. The results show evidence for the unilinear trajectory in type, but not with a consistent decrease in group ownership in size. Land ownership is more likely in areas with neighboring landowners and predictable resource productivity, while subsistence type is not significantly correlated with type of land ownership.