The second and third parts of this book classify the economic systems of foraging and agricultural societies in the SCCS based on correlations between their institutions of property an distribution. These economic types are then examined for relationships with other social, political, demographic, and environmental factors in order to draw tentative conclusions regarding the origins of the Agricultural and Industrial Revolutions. The fourth part of the book uses cross-national data to examine similar associations in industrial/service economies, and is not included here.

Using t-test, generalized linear models (GLMs) and Bayesian regression models in a sample of 1188 pre-industrial societies, this study explores the research question: Why have foraging, horticulture, and pastoralism persisted into the 20th and 21st century? The authors test the marginal hypothesis and the oasis hypothesis of agricultural intensification. The first hypothesis suggests that foragers persisted because foragers predominantly inhabited marginal habitats that were typically unsuitable for agricultural purposes. The second hypothesis suggests that intensive agriculture emerged in regions characterized by limited biodiversity and a dependable water supply not reliant on local rainfall. In addition, the authors test whether specific kinds of biodiversity (elephants, malaria, and tsetse flies) correlate with agricultural intensification in African societies. The results support the marginal and oasis hypotheses, but only marginally support the African hypothesis, since only tsetse fly has a significant negative correlation to agricultural intensification.

Why do humans have long childhoods and slow physical growth rates compared to nonhuman primates? The embodied capital theory (ECT) posits that the hard-to-extract, energy-packed resources sought by humans require more complex cognitive and physical skills, which are acquired during a longer development period. The authors of this article test this theory through a comparative analysis of different forms of resource types and skill level by age in 28 different societies. Their findings support ECT, suggesting that long childhoods evolved as a period to develop the skills required for extracting complex resources in foraging societies.

Considerable disagreement exists in regard to the origin and distribution of economic phenomena such as money, slavery, markets, exchange, and imbalanced transfers. Here the author utilizes a worldwide cross-cultural sample of 60 pre-industrial "societies" to empirically test many economic hypotheses, with a focus on distributional mechanisms and institutions.

This exploratory study seeks to explain cassava production and processing in Africa by considering cultural, agronomic, and environmental data. After examining the descriptive results of the agricultural and social contexts of cassava use, the authors build upon Boserup's population density model (1965) to analyze their own hypothesized model of cassava's importance among the sampled societies.

This article presents theory and hypothesis tests that suggest that the decline of women's contribution to intensive agriculture is related to increases in fertility and domestic work associated with cereal crops. Additionally, men in agricultural societies are less likely to invest time in hunting and warfare, so their contribution of agricultural labor relative to women's increases.

This study uses four widely discussed hypotheses regarding the relationship between agricultural intensification and craft specialization to develop a non-recursive model. Authors test the model on both worldwide and regional subsamples. Results show support for a hypothesis proposing a feedback relationship between increasingly productive agricultural systems and the division of labor into nonagricultural craft specialties.

Using phylogenetic methods, this research examines the relationship between landesque capital intensive agriculture ("permanent changes to landscape, such as construction of terraces and irrigation canals"(3631)) , political complexity, and social stratification amongst 155 Austronesian-speaking societies. Researchers attempted to find an underlying causality between the above mentioned variables, which have already been shown to be cross-culturally related. Results of statistical testing are most consistent with their being no clear causal link between the tested variables. The researchers claim this demonstrates social complexity and the multifaceted nature of cultural evolution.

This article focuses on the culture of honor hypothesis, which suggests the distinctive selective pressures of horticultural and pastoral subsistences on culture. The authors explore which cultural evolution model best explains the variations suggested by the culture of honor hypothesis: the memetic, evolutionary psychological, dual inheritance, or niche construction model. The authors use the eHRAF database to test these rival models and explore how human psychology has adapted to pastoral and horticultural environments. The results support that it is more common for pastoral societies to show a reactive psychological phenotype. After considering their analysis and the distinct cases, the authors conclude that the niche construction is the best model to explain their results. They also emphasize the importance of continuing empirical analyses to test these models.

The authors examine degree of intensiveness (kin-relatedness) among foraging and agropastoralist societies, predicting that hunter-gatherers will pursue more extensive kinship networks in order to maximize residential options in the case of unpredictability or uneven geographic distribution of food resources. Support is found for the hypothesis, and it is suggested that while extensive fission-fusion dynamics are beneficial in foraging systems, the increase in cooperation in large-scale agricultural settlements is aided by norms which encourage kin marriage and relatedness.