The study examines the relationship between communal democracy and family size. The results indicate a weak significant negative correlation between communal leadership and family size. Even though the researchers suggest that the known curvilinear relationship between the variables could challenge this finding, further tests indicate that there are grounds for maintaining that family size has some independent influence on the existence of communal democracy.

This study analyzes the relationship between communal democracy and family size. Results show a weakly significant negative correlation between communal leadership and family size. Authors suggest that this relationship could be challenged based on the known curvilinear relationship between family size and cultural complexity. However, several further tests suggest that there are grounds for maintaining that family size has some independent influence on the existence of communial democracy.

This paper presents research on the factors that promote romantic love as a basis for marriage in non-industrial societies. After a discussion of the previous literature on romantic love in ethnographic societies, the authors used the SCCS, EA, and data from eHRAF to create a data set of 109 cultures and then utilized multiple ordinal regression to test the relationship between different types of families and post-marital residence practices and the importance of romantic love in marriage. The findings show that monogamy is significantly correlated with romantic love, while nuclear family organization and neolocal post-marital residence are not significantly correlated. The presence of polygyny is found to lower the probability of romantic love being a basis for marriage. These findings contradict previous research, which found a relationship between non-neolocal post-marital residence and the presence of romantic love in marriage.

The authors construct a mathematical model from which they generate their main hypothesis that resource unpredictability should be associated with frequency of warfare. A cross-cultural test of this hypothesis was performed by Ember and Ember (1992). The authors critique these findings for state societies and test and alternate hypothesis for application to state societies.

Controlling for community type, the researchers examine a potential relationship between family size (nuclear vs. extended) and communal leadership (hereditary vs. elected) in an effort to suggest potential predictors of hierarchical structures in societies. They claim support for their hypothesis that societies with nuclear families will be more likely to have democratic communal leadership, across four different community types.

In this article, the authors reevaluate Carneiro's (1970) circumscription theory of state formation. They do this by examining relationships between the degree of political hierarchy and whether warfare is conducted for conquest, land acquisition, or plunder. While they find evidence that this theory is plausible in some situations, there is not enough to support the theory wholesale. Thus, they suggest that other theories of state formation should be investigated.

This chapter offers an exploratory study that examines the relationships between several culture characterstics, including child socialization practices, social structure, and food production, and mind-altering drug use in non-literate societies. All hypotheses were supported.

This article examines predictors of intimacy between husbands and wives. Emphasis is on equality of spouses. A causal model is presented.

This article investigates the theory that gossip, as a method of obtaining information and creating a meaningful social environment, increases in importance with society complexity. Forms of gossip in highly "modernized" societies, which are rare in the cross-cultural sample, are discussed. In addition, the authors explore associations between gender autonomy and the importance of gossip.

This study tests a hypothesis developed in a previous study (Artemova 2003). The authors analyze the relationship between the monopolization of politically important information and gender inequality. Sixty correlations are tested between measures of female status and an indicator of information monopolization; findings support the hypothesis.