Considerable disagreement exists in regard to the origin and distribution of economic phenomena such as money, slavery, markets, exchange, and imbalanced transfers. Here the author utilizes a worldwide cross-cultural sample of 60 pre-industrial "societies" to empirically test many economic hypotheses, with a focus on distributional mechanisms and institutions.

The second and third parts of this book classify the economic systems of foraging and agricultural societies in the SCCS based on correlations between their institutions of property an distribution. These economic types are then examined for relationships with other social, political, demographic, and environmental factors in order to draw tentative conclusions regarding the origins of the Agricultural and Industrial Revolutions. The fourth part of the book uses cross-national data to examine similar associations in industrial/service economies, and is not included here.

This article investigates the adoption of agriculture. The author tests three possible predictors: environmental richness, population density, and division of labor by gender. Minimal support is found for these variables, and the author proposes two alternative explanations, based on diminishing returns in food production and balancing the food portfolio.

This article examines the origin of money. Anthropologists’ and economists’ theories are discussed and data supports a broad hypothesis that the existence of money is associated with level of economic development. The author further examines the emergence of internal, external, commercial and noncommercial moneys at high and low levels of economic development.

This article focuses on the economic systems of preindustrial agricultural societies. The author conducts a cluster analysis to determine four basic types of agricultural systems: herding plus, egalitarian, individualistic, and semimarketized. He argues that these types are not delineated by social structure alone; rather, they “stand as independent entities and are worthy of more intensive study” (252).

This article proposes that differences in diet may account for the presence or absence of morning sickness in a society. Data suggest that morning sickness is not a universal symptom of pregnancy, and there are significant differences in foods consumed where morning sickness does not occur, including more maize, fats, and vegetables.

This paper investigates the presence of gambling in preindustrial societies. Analysis shows that the presence of gambling can be predicted by region, the presence of domestic commercial money, socioeconomic inequality, and mobility combined with food supply from animal husbandry. The author suggests that the ideas underlying the Friedman-Savage utility function (1984) can be helpful in making predictions about which precapitalist societies do and which do not engage in gambling.

This article tests a broad hypothesis that slavery is an inevitable stage in society's economic development. The author rejects this hypothesis; he argues that there are two main types of slavery (slaves for economic capital or social capital) and each type has its own set of social and politcal determinants. Overall, the power dynamic between husbands and wives is thought to be a key predictor of slavery.

This paper investigates five different economic types of foragers: classic, transitional system, politically oriented, economically oriented, and intangibles-oriented. The author asserts that these economic types “are not mere epiphenomena of the oft-discussed social structural or political forces but, rather, are special characteristics that must be independently taken into account” (418). A myriad of environmental, subsistence, political, and social variables are examined: some differed significantly across the five economic types of foragers, but others such as famine threat, conflict, locational fixity, marital form, and postmarital residence did not differ between types.

Authors hypothesize that grammatical sex gender may be related to social structural variables. Results support this hypothesis and suggest that the degree of sex bias in the social structure is associated with the relative frequency of masculine and feminine nouns in languages with sex gender.