The author evaluates predictions from the standard model of intensification of food production and suggests it be rejected based on an analysis of 40 societies. The standard model proposes that food producers will increase their energy input until the maximum possible output is achieved, at which point output and labor productivity will fall and producers will invent or adopt new technologies. He then proposes a different model, which he terms the cultural niche construction model. The cultural niche construction model proposes that societies will minimize their energy input while maximizing their returns through continual technological adaptation and niche construction. After predictions from this second model are tested, the author suggests tentatively accepting the cultural niche construction model as a new framework to explain transitions to complex societies.

Why do humans have long childhoods and slow physical growth rates compared to nonhuman primates? The embodied capital theory (ECT) posits that the hard-to-extract, energy-packed resources sought by humans require more complex cognitive and physical skills, which are acquired during a longer development period. The authors of this article test this theory through a comparative analysis of different forms of resource types and skill level by age in 28 different societies. Their findings support ECT, suggesting that long childhoods evolved as a period to develop the skills required for extracting complex resources in foraging societies.

This exploratory study seeks to explain cassava production and processing in Africa by considering cultural, agronomic, and environmental data. After examining the descriptive results of the agricultural and social contexts of cassava use, the authors build upon Boserup's population density model (1965) to analyze their own hypothesized model of cassava's importance among the sampled societies.

Using t-test, generalized linear models (GLMs) and Bayesian regression models in a sample of 1188 pre-industrial societies, this study explores the research question: Why have foraging, horticulture, and pastoralism persisted into the 20th and 21st century? The authors test the marginal hypothesis and the oasis hypothesis of agricultural intensification. The first hypothesis suggests that foragers persisted because foragers predominantly inhabited marginal habitats that were typically unsuitable for agricultural purposes. The second hypothesis suggests that intensive agriculture emerged in regions characterized by limited biodiversity and a dependable water supply not reliant on local rainfall. In addition, the authors test whether specific kinds of biodiversity (elephants, malaria, and tsetse flies) correlate with agricultural intensification in African societies. The results support the marginal and oasis hypotheses, but only marginally support the African hypothesis, since only tsetse fly has a significant negative correlation to agricultural intensification.

The second and third parts of this book classify the economic systems of foraging and agricultural societies in the SCCS based on correlations between their institutions of property an distribution. These economic types are then examined for relationships with other social, political, demographic, and environmental factors in order to draw tentative conclusions regarding the origins of the Agricultural and Industrial Revolutions. The fourth part of the book uses cross-national data to examine similar associations in industrial/service economies, and is not included here.

Why do humans have long childhoods and slow physical growth rates compared to nonhuman primates? The embodied capital theory (ECT) posits that the hard-to-extract, energy-packed resources sought by humans require more complex cognitive and physical skills, which are acquired during a longer development period. The authors of this article test this theory through a comparative analysis of different forms of resource types and skill level by age in 28 different societies. Their findings support ECT, suggesting that long childhoods evolved as a period to develop the skills required for extracting complex resources in foraging societies.

This book discusses the role of women cross-culturally. The authors use a cross-cultural sample to examine the differences between men and women in contribution to subsistence as well as the social juxtaposition of the sexes in foraging, horticultural, agricultural, pastoral, and industrial societies.

This article examines the quality of forager habitats to determine whether agriculturalists occupy the most productive areas while modern forager groups are relegated to poor habitats. Findings indicate that there are slight but insignificant differences in the net primary productivity of foragers’ land and agriculturalists’ land. Further analysis of types of agriculturalists suggest that horticulturalists live in the most productive habitats, followed by intensive agriculturalists and finally pastoralists.

This article focuses on the culture of honor hypothesis, which suggests the distinctive selective pressures of horticultural and pastoral subsistences on culture. The authors explore which cultural evolution model best explains the variations suggested by the culture of honor hypothesis: the memetic, evolutionary psychological, dual inheritance, or niche construction model. The authors use the eHRAF database to test these rival models and explore how human psychology has adapted to pastoral and horticultural environments. The results support that it is more common for pastoral societies to show a reactive psychological phenotype. After considering their analysis and the distinct cases, the authors conclude that the niche construction is the best model to explain their results. They also emphasize the importance of continuing empirical analyses to test these models.

This book discusses the role of women cross-culturally. The authors use a cross-cultural sample to examine the differences between men and women in contribution to subsistence as well as the social juxtaposition of the sexes in foraging, horticultural, agricultural, pastoral, and industrial societies.