Ackerman performs a cross-cultural analysis on the structural determinants of divorce rate as originally hypothesized by Max Gluckman and elaborated on by other researchers. Ackerman's results suggest that when spouses share a network of affiliation, divorce rates are low; when spouses maintain separate affiliations, divorce rates are high. Ackerman's statistical analysis and discussion provide an explanatory framework for further research.

Ackerman performs a cross-cultural analysis on the structural determinants of divorce rate as originally hypothesized by Max Gluckman and elaborated on by other researchers. Ackerman's results suggest that when spouses share a network of affiliation, divorce rates are low; when spouses maintain separate affiliations, divorce rates are high. Ackerman's statistical analysis and discussion provide an explanatory framework for further research.

Ackerman performs a cross-cultural analysis on the structural determinants of divorce rate as originally hypothesized by Max Gluckman and elaborated on by other researchers. Ackerman's results suggest that when spouses share a network of affiliation, divorce rates are low; when spouses maintain separate affiliations, divorce rates are high. Ackerman's statistical analysis and discussion provide an explanatory framework for further research.

Sampling 62 societies from the HRAF database (32 bilateral, 21 patrilineal, 6 matrilineal, and 3 double-unilineal societies)the author asks whether divorce rates can be predicted by the descent systems or the network of marriage affiliations. Findings do not support the theory that divorce rates will be predicted by descent (patrilineal vs bilateral) - but they are more consistent with the idea that conjunctive affiliations are predictive of low divorce rates in bilateral societies. In lineal societies the levirate is used as an indicator.

Sampling 62 societies from the HRAF database (32 bilateral, 21 patrilineal, 6 matrilineal, and 3 double-unilineal societies)the author asks whether divorce rates can be predicted by the descent systems or the network of marriage affiliations. Findings do not support the theory that divorce rates will be predicted by descent (patrilineal vs bilateral) - but they are more consistent with the idea that conjunctive affiliations are predictive of low divorce rates in bilateral societies. In lineal societies the levirate is used as an indicator.

Sampling 62 societies from the HRAF database (32 bilateral, 21 patrilineal, 6 matrilineal, and 3 double-unilineal societies)the author asks whether divorce rates can be predicted by the descent systems or the network of marriage affiliations. Findings do not support the theory that divorce rates will be predicted by descent (patrilineal vs bilateral) - but they are more consistent with the idea that conjunctive affiliations are predictive of low divorce rates in bilateral societies. In lineal societies the levirate is used as an indicator.

Building on previous explorations of grid/group analysis for cross-cultural research (Caulkins 1999), the researchers test for relationships between grid/group variables and measures of social capital among nine North American ethnic groups. The article contributes to a discussion of whether the primary source of economically productive social capital is the general ethnic group ("ethnicity as social capital" hypothesis) or the family unit ("family as social capital" hypothesis), using group, grid, and census data on self-employment as indicators. The authors conclude that their results are consistent with the "family as social capital" hypothesis.

Building on previous explorations of grid/group analysis for cross-cultural research (Caulkins 1999), the researchers test for relationships between grid/group variables and measures of social capital among nine North American ethnic groups. The article contributes to a discussion of whether the primary source of economically productive social capital is the general ethnic group ("ethnicity as social capital" hypothesis) or the family unit ("family as social capital" hypothesis), using group, grid, and census data on self-employment as indicators. The authors conclude that their results are consistent with the "family as social capital" hypothesis.

Textor summarizes cross-cultural findings on polygyny pertaining to cultural, environmental, psychological, and social phenomena.

This study focuses on the relationship between women's power/status and divorce. Tests of gender variables with measures of divorce highlights the importance of sexual equality in divorce frequency as well as the effect of division of labor on divorce.